CHAPTER ONE
1.0                                           INTRODUCTION
1.1                                BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Gender incongruity in politics is a worldwide phenomenon, literature abounds showing that the level of women’s participation at the highest level of political activity accounts for their invisibility in the top positions of power. Locally and internationally, such low representation cut across countries with different political systems and at different stage of economic development (Rai, 2005 & Pokam, 2006; Amadiume, 1997:81; Bruce, 2004:113; Babatunde, 2003; Bari, 2005).
Democratic government depends upon the equality of all citizens under the law and it is sustained by relying upon the participation of all citizens in determining the elections and political processes, who governs them (Sodaro, 2001:247, Anifowose, 2004:205). The political participation of women is closely linked with their legal status which has an impact on their ability to contribute to economic and social progress while also benefitting from it.
This global low women’s participation in politics has prompted the emergence of campaigns to increase women’s political presence in countries around the world. The first major international action in favor of women universally was taken by United Nations in 1946 when it set up a commission on the status of women (Peterson & Runyan, 1999:11; Akiyode-Afolabi et al, 2003).
During the International Women’s Year in 1975, the UN General Assembly launched the UN Decade for Women (1976 – 1985) with a view to creating greater global awareness on the status of women and the girl child (Akinboye, 2004:13). This concern climaxed with the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 held in Beijing, China with the theme “Equality, Development and Peace”, the aim of which was to review and appraise the achievements of the UN Decade for Women (Omotola, 2007:33).
The UN Assembly again in 1976 established the Voluntary Fund for the UN Decade for Women to implement the objectives of the Decade (Oyekanmi, 2004:44). It also adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which became effective in 1981 (Rai, 2005:3). In 1985 however, the General Assembly gave the Organization an expanded mandate to join the UN group of agencies as the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) with the mission to promote the economic and political empowerment of women in developing countries. In addition, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) work towards strengthening women’s political leadership and their participation in political decision-making bodies (Olojede, 2004:120). These events marked a watershed in human resource development as it brought women, the other half of the world’s population, into development.
          However, despite these international instruments to encourage women involvement in political activities, the world still witnesses slow progress of women participation in politics (UNDP Report, 2005) which indicates that there are only twelve countries where women attained the critical mass of 30% women representation in the parliament, namely Rwanda, Sweden Finland, Argentina (IPU, 2007).
In Nigeria, it would appear that women have never really tested power in the realm of Nigerian politics. However, literature abounds showing women’s participation in politics. The place of women in politics during the pre-modern period is sufficiently familiar. The exploits of legendary women like QUEEN Aminat of Zauzau, Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura of Ibadan, princes Inikpi of Igala and Emotan of Benin reality come to mind (Abubakar, 1992). During   the period, women asserted and expressed themselves politically. Some women who made their mark on political scene at the colonial period in Nigeria included: Mrs Margret Ekpo of the famous Abba women riot of 1929, Madam Abibat Tinubu of Lagos and Egbaland, Mrs Funmilayo Ransome Kuti of the Abeokuta women union of 1948 and Hajia Sawaba Ganbo of Northern Element Union (NEPU) to mention a few. Though women enjoyed high political authority in Southern Nigeria,   this was not a general Phenomenon; men had always been dominant in the political structure with women complementing them. Women activities were subordinate and supplement to the existing structure. In Nigeria studies show that the participation of women in democratic politics has been largely low. In liberal democracies, political parties, legislature assemblies and executive councils are vital sources of decision making among other power centres. Political parties in particular provide the citizens with the opportunity of participating in the management of a country’s affairs and constitute a major platform for selecting and promoting candidate for elections. They also provide avenue for mass mobilization and provision of political leadership for the Nation. Political parties also organize and share power in parliament as well as influence the decision of government and other executive bodies. Since the emergence of indigenous political leadership in 1960, Nigeria women have remained invisible in the party system. Women were grossly under-represented in party membership as well as in decision making organs. The marginal showing of women in  political parties made it difficult for a visible women party constituency to emerge or develop.